Knowledge is Power…Black Feminist Thought

Combahee River Collective is a political group of Black feminists who have been meeting since 1974. The Collective wrote A Black Feminist Statement as a declaration that black feminists will combat racial, sexual, heterosexual, and class oppression. This statement acknowledges that oppressions are interlocking. The Combahee River Collective explain Black women’s contribution to politics through civil rights and Black nationalist demonstrations and activism. The Collective assert that Black women have influenced the dominant view of white males to alter their politics to anti-racist and anti-sexist (273). The Collective’s primary focus is on identity politics with the belief that is the most radical. They also believe that personal is political because life experiences determine what we believe and advocate. Their goal is to destroy the “political and economic systems of capitalism and imperialism as well as patriarchy” (274). They have a socialist political background because they believe that there should be a collective contribution for the workers and not for the profit of the bosses. Although they are promoting a socialist state, Combahee River Collective is not convinced that the social revolution will guarantee Black women’s liberation. Why does the Combahee River Collective promote a socialist nation when most socialist countries have men serving as the dictators?
The Combahee River Collective has the goal of uplifting Black women by the use scholarship and activism on issues such as abortion rights, battered women, welfare, daycare, healthcare, and rape. Combahee River Collective will develop a publishing company and distribute articles to Black women all over the nation to begin the liberation. The Combahee River Collective acknowledges that Black women’s liberation will be a life-long struggle as well. I would like to know, if the Combahee River Collective still exists? What impact have they made on Black women?

Collins asserts in “Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness, and the Politics of Empowerment” that Black Feminist thought displays “Black women’s power as agents of knowledge” (473). I believe this article was very empowering. Collins states that black women in academia or who have obtained academic degrees may not produce Black Feminist Thought because they had to adhere to the “Eurocentric, masculinist epistemologies”. Not only do they perpetuate the hegemonic epistemology, they also revere the Eurocentric pattern of thought over the Afrocentric feminist thought. Collins gives Black feminist scholars who desire to produce their material a few guidelines in order to be effective scholars. She states that scholars must live or experienced their work/material, be accountable for their publications, be prepared to combat Eurocentric, masculinist thought, be accepted by other Black women writers, be willing share their work through dialogue and discussions with others (474). Black women’s scholarship should translate to different crowds. Even if the material does not translate, Black women feminist must rearticulate and reshape their points for their audience. Collins also describes different types of knowledge as situated, subjugated, and partial. Afrocentric feminist thought is characterized as subjugated knowledge (476). Afrocentric feminist thought reveals that Eurocentric masculinist epistemology favors the interests of white men and therefore discredits their scholarship for other groups.

When I think about how the Collins article is linked to the Combahee River Collective statement I came to the conclusion that Collins article serves as a critique of the Combahee River Collective. Collins talks about how Black feminist scholars exceed in relaying their message to their audiences. Collins explains the struggle Black feminist undergo in academia and scholarship. Perhaps the Combahee River Collective could use some of Collins suggestions, such as advocating for their material and engage in dialogue, to become a more effective group.